All posts tagged: Fintan

‘The Right Amount of Crazy’ | Fintan O’Toole

‘The Right Amount of Crazy’ | Fintan O’Toole

In January, when The New York Times asked Donald Trump whether there were any limits on his global powers, he replied, “Yeah, there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind.” Since whatever morality he ever possessed has long since departed, the remaining question is whether he has also lost his mind. Given that, in the course of his war on Iran, he has chosen to present himself to the world as a genocidal maniac—posting on Truth Social that “a whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again. I don’t want that to happen, but it probably will”—the answer may seem all too obvious. Yet to arrive at it we have to tease out the relationships that are always at the heart of his persona: the complex connections between performance and reality, method and madness, bombast and bombs. With Trump, these oppositions are never absolute. The borders between them are always porous. On the one hand, there’s no doubt that in Trump’s chaotic mind there lurks the Madman Theory, a belief …

Signifying Absolutely Nothing | Fintan O’Toole

Signifying Absolutely Nothing | Fintan O’Toole

In Donald Trump’s war on Iran, everything is meta except the bombs. At the point of impact, where buildings shatter and flesh is shredded, the war inhabits the material world of awful human consequences. But up to that point, as it exists in Trump’s mind, it seems to be a crazy historical pageant in which disconnected scenes from past American imperial misadventures are randomly reenacted. It is apt that Trump’s declaration of war was disembodied: a prerecorded video message announcing a major combat operation that had yet to begin. Time in that video is completely distorted; events that are about to happen are referred to in the past tense. Throughout it gives the feeling of being in a time warp: Trump cited as a casus belli “the marine barracks bombing in Beirut that killed 241 American military personnel” in 1983. The forty-three-year gap between provocation and retaliation is a void between cause and effect into which all temporal logic vanishes. In that eight-minute video, Trump performed what could be regarded as unconscious parodies of three …

The Crime of Witness | Fintan O’Toole

The Crime of Witness | Fintan O’Toole

Donald Trump’s desire to name everything from the Kennedy Center to the Gulf of Mexico after himself (“I wanted to call it the Gulf of Trump,” he declared in January) can seem almost comically childish. But it has become a killing joke: his regime brands those it executes terrorists and drags their names through the dirt. This renaming is an assertion of absolute power, and the United States is at a moment when Trump’s claim to dominion over language has become lethal—both for individuals and for the American republic itself. If the murder of Alex Pretti on the streets of Minneapolis cannot be called murder, an authoritarian regime has passed one of its crucial tests: it can reverse all meanings, turning the ultimate moral transgression upside down, making the victim the perpetrator, the perpetrator the victim.  It is striking that the capital offense for which both Pretti and Renée Good, who weeks earlier was shot multiple times at close range by an ICE agent in Minneapolis, were summarily executed was the crime of witness. Good was watching ICE at …

Whose Hemisphere? | Fintan O’Toole

Whose Hemisphere? | Fintan O’Toole

In 2018, two years after Donald Trump was first elected president, Vintage Books reissued Fletcher Knebel’s Night of Camp David, a political thriller published in 1965. Its renewed appeal was summed up in the stark tagline on the cover: “What would happen if the president of the USA went stark-raving mad?” In the novel, a young senator who has been chosen by the incumbent president, Mark Hollenbach, to be his running mate for reelection comes to realize that the man in the Oval Office has gone quietly crazy. In Trump’s first term, the story seemed to resonate with debates about his erratic behavior and the possibility that he could be deposed. What attracted less attention, however, was the particular form the president’s madness takes in the novel. He shows signs of paranoia and authoritarian tendencies, hoping to introduce a law allowing him to have all phone calls recorded and stored in a giant bank of computers. But the most incontrovertible symptom of his insanity is the grand scheme confided to the young senator: “I want …